The Baton Never Dropped
In Kenya, fear of the police did not begin with
independence. It began in the days of the British Empire, when colonial askaris
patrolled the streets and villages, rifles slung on their shoulders, trained
not to serve justice but to enforce obedience. Their orders came from the
Crown, not from the people. And when the flag changed in 1963, the uniform
changed too, but the system behind it remained intact.
That system did not disappear. It simply
evolved. It learned how to speak Kiswahili, to salute the Kenyan flag, and to
operate beneath a new constitution. But for many ordinary citizens, the fear
never left. It only changed uniforms. In June 2025, that fear turned fatal once
more. This time, it claimed the life of Albert Omondi Ojwang.
Albert was a teacher, a blogger, a husband,
and a father. He was arrested in Homa Bay after allegedly insulting the Deputy
Inspector General of Police in a social media post. Two days later, his body
was found at Nairobi Central Police Station. Authorities claimed he took his
own life. But an independent autopsy told a different story—blunt-force trauma,
neck compression, and signs of torture. His wife, Diana Ojwang, stood before a
grieving nation and said what needed to be said: “My husband was tortured to
death. He was silenced.”
Albert’s death was not an exception. It was
the latest entry in a long, painful chapter of Kenya’s history. To understand
how we got here, we must first look back.
During the Mau Mau Uprising in the 1950s, more
than 1.5 million Kenyans were held in British detention camps. These were not
ordinary prisons. They were sites of calculated violence. Torture, rape, and
murder were carried out systematically—not by fringe elements, but by officers
in uniform. These were state-sanctioned atrocities. The British government only
began settling lawsuits for these abuses in the 2010s, long after the suffering
had passed and the graves had been filled.
After independence, the British administrators
left, but the machinery of repression remained. The same colonial policing
structure was inherited by the new state. The laws were copied. The formations
preserved. The mission unchanged—protect the powerful and keep the people in
check.
In the 1980s and 1990s, this logic found its
most visible expression in the heart of Nairobi. Nyayo House. A government
building on the surface, but beneath it, a basement that held cold-water
torture cells, isolation chambers, and interrogation rooms where the screams of
political prisoners echoed for years. People like Koigi wa Wamwere, Wanyiri
Kihoro, Maina wa Kinyatti, and many others were imprisoned there for speaking
their minds. One survivor recalled how interrogators poured freezing water over
him for days, repeating the same question until his own name began to slip
away. Today, Nyayo House is still used by government offices. Its corridors are
polished, its files neatly stacked. But the legacy of its basement still haunts
the country.
There were those who resisted. In 1990,
Reverend Timothy Njoya joined a march for multiparty democracy, carrying only a
Bible. Police beat him and cracked his skull in full view of the nation. Later,
he reflected, “They broke my head, but not my conscience.” Around the same
time, Professor Wangari Maathai, armed with nothing but seedlings and
conviction, fought to protect public land. She was beaten, dragged by her hair,
called mad, and jailed. But she kept speaking. She once said, “I am a Kenyan
before I am a woman. And I will speak.”
These stories are not ancient history. Their
echoes are with us still.
Since 2024, a disturbing trend has emerged
across the country. More than 80 Kenyans—mostly young, outspoken, and
politically active—have been abducted by masked men in unmarked vehicles. Some
were later found alive but traumatized. Others have not returned at all. The
Kenya National Commission on Human Rights reports that at least 29 individuals
remain missing. Among those who survived is university student Billy Mwangi. He
recalls being shoved into a van by strangers. “I thought I was going to die,”
he said. “They kept telling me, ‘Tweet again. Let’s see.’”
The Independent Policing Oversight Authority,
charged with investigating such abuses, has admitted to being blocked by the
very institutions it is meant to oversee. Kenya is, in effect, witnessing the
return of a police state. Not in name, but in practice.
When Albert Ojwang’s death came to light,
something shifted. Thousands of Kenyans took to the streets in cities like
Nairobi, Mombasa, Kisumu, and Nakuru. They demanded answers. They called for
justice. Their voices rose together: “Stop killing us.”
The response was swift and familiar. Tear gas.
Water cannons. Batons. In one case, a protester was shot at close range, live
on camera. A bystander lost their life. Still, the crowds returned the next
day. This was no longer just about Albert. It was about all those who had died
nameless in police custody, all those disappeared in silence, all those who
never made it into headlines.
Kenya’s transition from colonial rule was
never a clean break. The baton of brutality was not discarded. It was passed
from one set of hands to another. From colonial officers to independent police
chiefs. From a foreign governor to local commanders. The structure was never
dismantled. It was repurposed. Yet through it all, the spirit of resistance has
survived. In the forests of Mount Kenya. In the basements of Nyayo House. In
the marches on Uhuru Highway. In the hashtags that trend late into the night.
The Kenyan people have not forgotten how to speak, even when every word comes
at a price.
Albert Ojwang’s name must not fade. It should be
remembered not just as a victim, but as a mirror. A reminder of what this
country has endured, and of what it must still confront. His death must not be
filed away or explained away. It must be reckoned with.
If justice does not come from the top, then it
must rise from the ground. From the voices of ordinary citizens. From
communities that refuse to forget. From the pens of writers, the courage of
witnesses, the insistence of mothers and fathers who demand answers.
The baton is still swinging.
But so are we.
And this time, we are holding on.

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